In World War I, military ships were often painted with “dazzle camouflage”: zany, complex patterns, glaring colors, and geometric shapes designed to confuse the enemy.
This summer, on the 100th anniversary of the start of World War I, Dazzle ships have made a comeback on the rivers of Liverpool and London.
Americans do not like it when their politician are too smart. And they never have.
History, University of Iowa
On July 2, 1964, with Martin Luther King, Jr., directly behind him, President Lyndon Johnson scrawled his signature on a document years in the making—the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
This year marks the 50th anniversary of the landmark legislation.
President Lyndon B. Johnson signs the 1964 Civil Rights Act as Martin Luther King, Jr., others look on, 07/02/1964. (The Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library)
The first and the signature pages of the act will be on display at the National Archives Rubenstein Gallery in Washington, DC, until September 17, 2014. These 50-year-old sheets of paper represent years of struggle and society’s journey toward justice.
The most comprehensive civil rights legislation since the Reconstruction era, the Civil Right Act finally gave the Federal Government the means to enforce the promises of the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments. The act prohibited discrimination in public places, allowed the integration of public facilities and schools, and forbade discrimination in employment.
But such a landmark congressional enactment was by no means achieved easily…
Plus more on the Civil Rights Act of 1964:
- Don’t miss the new Civil Rights Act of 1964 Exhibit in Google’s Cultural Institute
- Events at the National Archives in celebration of the 50th Anniversary of the Civil Rights Act
- Teaching resources at The Struggle for Rights in America, via DocsTeach
- See all the pages of the Civil Rights Act in the National Archives online catalog
From the series: "Redbook" Photographs, compiled 1893 - 1918. Records of the Office of the Chief Signal Officer, 1860 - 1985
American troops boarding transport ships during the Philippine Insurrection, 115 years ago.
During the Spanish-American War, U.S. forces in the Philippines and Filipino forces led by revolutionary leader Emilio Aguinaldo had a common enemy in Spain. As hostilities came to a close and the United States emerged from the war victorious, Aguinaldo and his supporters were eager for Philippine independence. However, as a result of the Treaty of Paris, December 10, 1898, the United States gained the Philippines as a U.S. territory. Many in the islands were not eager to see one colonial power replaced by another. This desire for independence soon resulted in armed resistance against the United States, beginning with a skirmish on the night of February 4, 1899, just outside of Manila.
Why, then, was it all so apparently painless? Why, after decades of internal violence and foreign aggression, did the world’s first Socialist society implode without even trying to defend itself? One answer, of course, is that it never really existed in the first place: that, in the words of the historian Martin Malia, ‘there is no such thing as socialism, and the Soviet Union built it.’
Kids those days
Puritanism was popular with the young people. This can be proven by looking at America, which was new then.
FEEM Lecture by Anatol Lieven, King’s College London: “The Ukraine Debacle”
The recent development of the Ukrainian crisis has unveiled a series of long-neglected problems that today emerge dramatically. The complex current scenario and the difficulties in recomposing the crisis at diplomatic level show the inadequacy of EU and North American foreign policies and international relations with Russia and the former Soviet Union bloc. The possible scenarios leading to a resolution of the crisis have significant consequences at social, economic, political, energy and geostrategic levels, also considering the role played by China as a newly consolidated world power.
Anatol Lieven, internationally renowned scholar of geostrategic issues and security in Eurasia and expert of Central Asia and the former Soviet Union bloc, will analyse the origins of the present crisis and will explore what it teaches about the making of Western transnational relations.
Contrary to popular belief, the CIA did not plot with the Chilean military to overthrow Allende and put Pinochet in power: http://fam.ag/1r0y2UM
The idea that Latin American military regimes were merely American lackeys has always irked me. First, because it makes a story of Latin American dictatorships into one of American guild (hey, it’s not always “about you”). Second, because it implies that Latin American elites don’t have agency and are incapable of being devious and evil on their own. Third, it eliminates the need for empirical analysis of causes of events by reducing them to “American imperialism” (again, it’s not always about you).
So, yeah. Pinochet was awful. But we’re probably better off understanding the Chilean context from which Pinochet emerged than looking for how we can think about ourselves some more.
Q:I saw that you were an inspiring historian. So, I have a question! Why is Japanese imperialism not discussed more often ? Some say it was on par with what the Nazis did. Other than euro-centrism, why is this topic so under- discussed?
Oh man, this made me so happy to see this in my message box! This is a very intriguing topic. There’s a really interesting history of fascism in Asia.
I want to make clear that it is largely under-discussed in the Western world, where we are so focused on what the Japanese did to us and our white allies rather than to other people in East and Southeast Asia. With that, it really is euro-centrism from addressing it so frequently in Western education and it is orientalism that prevents us from realizing that Japanese action and philosophy was quite similar to the Nazis, if not worse in some instances.
I believe we do not discuss it so frequently because we are now allies with the Japanese and “frenemies” with China; we do not want to believe that the Asian country the United States chose to sponsor as a bastion of anti-communism and pour tons of funding into had a policy of “kill all, loot all, and destroy all” during its campaigns against the Chinese Guomindang, Chinese Communist Party, Chinese civilians, and Allied personnel.
Thus, perhaps another answer is the American historiography that so desperately seeks to protect our image; many people believe that we good ol’ Americans came to aid Japan after we did so much damage to it, so graciously showing compassion to Japan despite their efforts against us. Really, it all goes back to anti-communism and turning our backs on China once we realized the CCP would definitely win the war and we proved so unwilling to negotiate with the CCP, despite them championing democracy so much more than the American-backed Guomindang party.
On the other hand, this is still a massive hot-button issue all over Asia. Japanese revisionists have sought to remove things such as the Rape of Nanking from textbooks used by Japanese school children. The rivalry between Japan and numerous other countries, particularly China, South Korea, and North Korea, is quite intense.
It’s not news that for over 100 years, history has been taught as little more than a callous exercise in regurgitation and rote memorization, with teachers rewarding how much information students can cram into their already stuffed heads. But as we go farther into the 21st century, with changes almost too numerous to fathom, I find it mindboggling that any teacher would still treat history class as boring preparation for a quiz show. This is no way to make learning about the past relevant and engaging. It really never was.
Read more. [Image: Luther College Archive/Flickr]
Twenty-five years ago, on April 15, 1989, Chinese students were mourning the death of a reformist leader. But what began as mourning evolved into mass protests demanding democracy. Demonstrators remained in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square, day after day, until their protests were brutally suppressed by the Chinese army — on June 4. Hundreds died; to this day, no one knows how many.
NPR’s Louisa Lim explores those events, the forgotten deaths and the Chinese government’s rewriting of the official narrative in a new book, The People’s Republic of Amnesia. Her story includes an investigation into a forgotten crackdown in the southwestern city of Chengdu — which, to this day, has never been reported.
Tang Deying holds her determination in the stubborn set of her jaw. This diminutive, disheveled, elderly woman shuffling into the room in her pink plastic flip-flops is one of the few living links to the crackdown in Chengdu during the summer of 1989.
When martial law troops opened fire on civilians in Beijing on June 4, 1989, the violence was beamed immediately into living rooms around the world. Yet it has taken a quarter-century for details to emerge of the deadly events in Chengdu that cost Tang’s 17-year-old son his life.
For 25 years, a single aim has driven Tang’s existence: seeking restitution and accountability for the death of her son, Zhou Guocong, who was fatally beaten in police custody after disappearing in the 1989 Chengdu crackdown.
"Right is right. Wrong is wrong," she told me firmly
See the rest of the story here.
Images courtesy Louisa Lim and Kim Nygaard